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CM Sarma Warns of ‘Population Takeover’, Calls 2026 Poll a Fight for Assam’s Future

For the BJP, Sarma said, development of Assam has always remained the top priority, crediting Prime Minister Narendra Modi with delivering projects that people in the state “had never even imagined”

 Sarma said society today is witnessing the presence of two civilisations. He described Hindu Sanatani civilisation as one that welcomes everyone
Sarma said society today is witnessing the presence of two civilisations. He described Hindu Sanatani civilisation as one that welcomes everyone

With the countdown to the 2026 Assembly elections underway, Assam Chief Minister Himanta Biswa Sarma has sharply escalated his political rhetoric, portraying the coming polls not as a routine democratic contest but as a decisive battle for survival, land, identity and civilisation.

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Addressing party workers and supporters on Saturday, Sarma said the BJP government had accelerated its work as elections approach, asserting that Assam has witnessed unprecedented development over the past five years and a visible transformation over the last decade.

He said that what was once spoken of as “change” is now clearly evident on the ground. For the BJP, Sarma said, development of Assam has always remained the top priority, crediting Prime Minister Narendra Modi with delivering projects that people in the state “had never even imagined”.

Sarma recalled that there was a time when people believed Assam could achieve nothing without agitation. Today, he said, district after district has medical colleges, universities and bridges across the Brahmaputra. Projects such as the Silchar–Guwahati Express Highway, which Assamese people once saw only in their dreams, have now become reality. “The people of Assam are happy today,” he said.

On employment, Sarma said electoral victory itself was not the most important issue. What mattered, he said, was delivery. He stated that 1.5 lakh jobs would be provided and recalled that when he had once announced one lakh jobs, even he had not fully believed it at the time. “Today, we are capable of providing employment to two lakh youths,” he said.

Referring to tea garden workers, Sarma said they had never imagined they would receive land pattas, but that dream had now been fulfilled. He stressed that for the BJP, development and protection of existence go hand in hand. “This is a struggle for civilisation,” he said.

Civilisation, Demography and Politics

Sarma said society today is witnessing the presence of two civilisations. He described Hindu Sanatani civilisation as one that welcomes everyone. Referring to Christmas celebrations, he said Hindus across Assam participated and extended greetings, adding that he had received more Christmas greetings from Hindus than from Christians.

He accused the Congress of weakness and appeasement politics, claiming that this had encouraged what he described as another civilisation within the state. Citing demographic figures, Sarma said that by 2011, Muslims constituted 34% of Assam’s population, of which only 3% were indigenous Assamese Muslims, while 31% were of Bangladeshi origin.

Some people, he said, argue that different communities can coexist indefinitely, but warned that developments in Bangladesh show a different reality, where religion takes precedence over the nation. “Every Assamese now understands what kind of environment we may face 20 years from now,” Sarma said.

He cited incidents from across the state to underline his concerns, saying that during Eid, when he visited Dhubri, beef was openly sold in front of every house. In central Assam, he claimed, incidents of so-called “love jihad” are reported daily.

Raising a national security question, Sarma asked whom the people living in the Chicken’s Neck region would support if India and Bangladesh were to go to war tomorrow, given what he described as the dominance of Bangladeshi-origin populations in the area.

He said that in his lifetime, he had seen the Muslim population in Assam rise from 21% to 40%, adding that many of these people have family ties across the border. Sarma warned that the Northeast could be taken over without war, simply by achieving 50% population dominance. Once that happens, he said, the Assembly could be captured, and decisions taken in Dispur would no longer reflect the will of regions such as Dibrugarh or Tinsukia.

Referring to statements by Congress leaders, Sarma said talk of reserving 48 Assembly seats for Muslims ignored the fact that once population dominance is achieved, a separate political party could emerge and capture power entirely. “Today, we are doing politics during the most difficult phase of our community’s existence,” he said.

Society, Economy and Internal Divisions

Sarma urged people to observe changes in everyday life, asking who does business beneath Guwahati’s flyovers and who drives Uber vehicles. He recalled that during periods of agitation, BJP supporters were attacked with stones, and said that today Assamese society depends on unknown people to cultivate land and drive vehicles.

Using a personal metaphor, he said he had been told he would be politically finished, yet continued to “burn like a lamp in the darkness”. He added that one does not need research to understand how a community collapses, saying Assam itself is an example. “We have not allowed Assam to become West Bengal,” he asserted.

He said the BJP government has begun fulfilling the dreams of the martyrs of the Assam Movement and has taken decisive action against illegal Bangladeshi encroachment. As Chief Minister, Sarma said he had not worn the cloak of secularism to make irresponsible comments, but held office to protect the dignity of the Assamese people.

According to him, a clear message has gone to Bangladesh that Assam is no longer insecure and does not welcome illegal infiltration. “Either we will remain, or they will,” he said.

Listing areas where Assamese influence has declined, Sarma said the community has already retreated from Dhubri, Barpeta, Dhing, Dalgaon and Rupohi, and questioned how much further retreat was possible. Referring to Gorukhuti, he said that where Assamese blood was once spilled, encroachers have now been evicted.

He claimed that during Congress rule, thousands of unknown individuals would gather daily at Janata Bhawan, whereas today not even one is seen.

Sarma warned that in every civilisational struggle, enemies emerge from within. He alleged that some people attempt to divide Assamese, Bengali and Hindi-speaking communities, and that tomorrow such divisions could extend to Kamrupi and Nalbariya. Those who provoke Assamese–Bengali conflicts, he said, are silently supportive of Bangladeshi infiltration. When Assamese fight among themselves, he warned, the other population continues to grow, eventually forcing surrender.

History, Identity and Competing Narratives

Turning to historical narratives, Sarma criticised what he described as attempts to condition people into accepting the arrival of Bangladeshi nationals by invoking figures such as Sankardeva and Azan Faqir. He questioned whether there was any historical evidence of a meeting between the two or any documented record supporting such claims.

“I say this openly, and anyone may challenge me on it—even as the Chief Minister of the state,” Sarma said, asserting that Sankardeva’s disciple was Madhavadeva, not Azan Faqir. While acknowledging Azan Faqir’s historical existence, he said artificially merging the two figures weakens Assamese society in what he described as a civilisational struggle.

Sarma also urged people not to diminish the legacy of Bir Lachit Borphukan. He said that if a historical figure like Bagh Hazarika existed, he should be recognised independently, but that the primary focus must remain on Lachit Borphukan’s leadership and decisive victory over the Mughal forces.

He alleged that certain narratives suggesting Lachit’s success was largely due to strategies attributed to Bagh Hazarika were imposed to undermine Assamese confidence. Sarma further claimed that stories suggesting Bagh Hazarika learned weapon-making techniques from Mughal emperor Aurangzeb were fabricated and promoted by leftist groups.

He criticised political narratives that portray Assamese and Bengali communities celebrating festivals such as Durga Puja or Saraswati Puja together as adversaries, while presenting people from Bangladesh as allies. “What kind of political definition is this?” he asked.

2026 as a Battle, Not a Contest

Drawing a larger national parallel, Sarma said revolutions bring change, and that Prime Minister Modi’s revolution has brought development. He said Assam’s people have chosen change through ballots, not agitation, adding that conspiracies continue daily because the BJP cannot be defeated easily.

Recalling an earlier statement, he said that in 2016 he had declared Saraighat as the last battle, and reiterated that for Assamese to survive, the fight must continue.

Sarma said the struggle would not end soon and that ministers, MLAs or MPs alone would not be enough. “We need uncompromising fighters,” he said. Referring to symbolic actions, he said evictions at Sankardeva’s birthplace and the installation of Lachit Borphukan’s statue were once unthinkable, yet they happened.

Declaring his personal commitment, Sarma said he was a soldier in this struggle and warned that surrender would mean the end of everything. “Today one district, tomorrow one town—we will reclaim them,” he said.

Concluding his address, Sarma said the 2026 election is not about hope or aspiration, but about survival, sacrifice and protecting identity. He called upon every Sanatani and every Assamese to vote for the BJP, stating that defeat is not an option.

He ended with a warning that future generations must never ask why land and identity were lost while the BJP was in power. Protecting land and identity, he said, is a duty. “The Assamese community is no longer weak. 2026 is not just an election—it is a battle for existence.”

Also Read: ‘Not Just an Election’: BJP Calls 2026 Assam Polls a Civilisational Fight

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